Gov. Blount to Sec. of War, 20 SEP 1792:
Sir:
Herewith I enclose you the minutes of the conference held at Nashville,
with the Chickasaws and Choctaws: of the former, there was a very
full representation, both of chiefs, and others; but, of the later,
there were only one hundred and ten chiefs, and others; what part
of them were chiefs will appear by the minutes.
I do not know better how to explain to you the cause of there
being so few Choctaws, than by enclosing to you the report of
Mr. Forster, one of the gentlemen who carried my letter
of invitation to them to attend.
You will observe that he supposes one cause to have been the conduct
of one of his colleagues, meaning Captain David Smith,
who I engaged to accompany him, and Mr. James Randolph Robertson,
from a belief that he, David Smith, as he had frequently
been in the nation and spoke the tongue, was the most proper man
in the territory in all respects to be engaged in such business;
in fact I added him to those gentlemen who I first employed, fearing,
if I did not, and any failure should take place, that it might
be imputable to me for not having sent him.
It seems, on the arrival of Mr. Forster, and Captain
Smith, they found this Mr. Brassheart, who Mr. Forster
mentions in his report, there residing, a trader much attached
to the Spanish interest; and that Captain Smith and he
had been old acquaintances, and not friends; that on meeting,
they presently fell into warm disputes concerning the American
and Spanish Governments, and their respective consequence and
influence in the Choctaw nation: at length each agreed that he
would be determined by the number that should accompany Smith
to the conference, or that Brassheart should prevent.
This Brassheart was the only man who had any taffia in
the town where the council assembled, and it was no doubt he who
made the party drunk, and induced them to break up the council
and tear the belts, so that the insult which appeared to be offered
to the United States, is justly to be attributed to him and his
taffia, and not to the nation.
Captain Smith is a warm zealous man, who I have no doubt
conceived he was acting for the interest of the business he was
engaged in, but it gives me pain that the failure of a fuller
representation should be imputable in any shape to his imprudence.
Another artifice made use of by Mr. Brassheart was to inform
the chiefs that there was something in the letters which had not
been explained in council, written in red ink, by which he foresaw
the Choctaws, if they went, would be put to death, and as the
letters were in his care, it is highly probable he might have
inserted some words with red ink. Many are the artifices of this
kind made use of by white people living among the Indians, to
the injury of the best concerted measures of Government, and cannot
be counteracted until they have had the pernicious effects intended
by their authors.
The Spanish interest must unquestionably have had its weight,
and in that may justly be included the conduct of Mr. Brassheart.
With the Choctaws that did come to the conference came Mr.
Pitchlyn, who was the interpreter of the treaty of Hopewell,
a warm active man, and friend to the United States, who seemed
to have great command over them, and could, as he believed, have
led the greater part of them to the aid of the United States,
northwest of the Ohio, or elsewhere; and it was his opinion, given
in decided terms, that he could and would, upon having a supply
of arms and ammunition, lead a great part of the nation to war
against their old enemies the Creeks, but said they could do nothing
without both, for they had neither, and were very poor: Pitchlyn
added, the Choctaws, from their dependent situation, were obliged
to keep up the appearance of friendship for the Spaniards, but
that a very great part of the nation had a dislike to them, and
would be very glad to have their trade and supplies from the United
States.
A letter from Ben James, a man of the first property and
probity in the nation, also speaks the same language; a copy of
which is enclosed.
I questioned Pitchlyn touching the particulars of the treaty
which the Spaniards held at the Natchez, by Governor Gayoso
and the Choctaws, from which the chiefs had returned but a few
days previous to the arrival of Mr. Forster and Smith
in the nation: he said it had not been a full representation:
that it consisted only of the Spanish party, and that the chiefs
said they had given permission only to the Spaniards to continue
their new fort at the Walnut Hills, near the mouth of the Yazoo,
but had sold them no lands, and even this displeased the younger
part of the nation so much that they frequently threatened to
kill the chiefs who had been at the treaty. But from information
I have since received, I believe there is no doubt but Governor
Gayoso obtained a relinquishment of a large tract of country,
beginning at the mouth of the Yazoo; thence ten miles up it; thence
southeast to a river which empties into lake Pontchartrain, (I
believe called Midway) and down that river.
Both nations arrived at the treaty many days before the goods
got round, which run the expenses much higher than they otherwise
would have been, and there were several contingent charges not
foreseen nor enumerated in the estimate, particularly one for
mending a great number of old guns, which appeared essential to
the interest of the United States.
During the conference, by which I would be understood to mean
not only the time of the public formal meetings at the Arbour,
but also, the many private conferences which General Pickens,
and myself held, both nations gave the strongest assurances of
friendship for the United States, and of their perfect satisfaction
at the treatment they received, and appeared to be gratefully
impressed with the value of the presents they had received.
That part of the Chickasaw nation called Piamingo's, which
is much the stronger party, repeatedly assured us, in case of
war with the Creeks and Cherokees, that the Chickasaws would be
a party, and they as repeatedly said they were sure these two
nations shortly intended to war with the United States, and that
the Spaniards were urging them to it.
General Pickens and myself having already given the reasons,
in former letters, why no attempts were made to induce a party
to join the arms of the United States Northwest of the river Ohio,
I conceive it unnecessary to repeat them here.
I have the honor to be, &c.
Nashville, 29th July, 1792
Sir:
In consequence of your commands, I feel a sensible pleasure in
throwing together some observations which I made on the manners
and conduct of the Chickasaw and Choctaw tribes of Indians, whilst
in the execution of the commission which I had the honor to receive
from your Excellency. I have taken the liberty to communicate
the information of which I am possessed, in an epistolary manner,
this being the only mode to which I have been accustomed, and
in which I flatter myself I can express myself with a greater
degree of precision. On the sixth of June last, I left Nashville,
on my way to the Chickasaws, and arrived there on the eleventh.
The village in which the Hair-lipped king lived, was the
first that I came to. I had not then the opportunity of seeing
the king but passed on to the Mountain-Leader, who lives
about three miles from the first village. We were cordially received
by Piamingo, who appeared to listen with attention and
complacency, to such explanatory remarks as we made, relative
to the objects of our mission. A convention of the chiefs of the
Chickasaw nation was called on the third day after our arrival,
which was on the fourteenth of June, at which appeared all the
chiefs of the nation, (together with a number of others) of whom
I acquired my information, except the Wolf's Friend. In
this convention, or council, the Mountain-Leader was exceedingly
active; appeared to embrace the views of the United States, and
exhibit unequivocal marks of his attachment and fidelity to its
citizens. Upon this occasion, the dispositions of the whole assembly
appeared to be friendly and candid, except the Hair-lipped
king, whose conduct indicated an aversion to the views and
measures of the council; upon which I was induced to inquire into
the principles and reasons of his behavior, which was so eccentric,
that he retired from the council apparently much disgusted and
chargrined; the reason of which was, that the address of the letter
manifested a pre-eminence of the Mountain-Leader, inasmuch
as it did not expressly mention the king by name. In order to
reconcile him, and remove, if possible, the cause of his disgust,
I informed him that the reason of his not being addressed by name
by the Secretary of War and your Excellency, was, that he had
not been to see them, as the Mountain-Leader had; the great
officers of the United States had not the same opportunity to
know his power and authority in the nation, that they had with
respect to the Mountain-Leader, nor had they a complete
opportunity to be acquainted with the full extent of his authority
till now; that, hereafter, if he would go and see the white people,
that every respect and attention due to his dignity and character,
would be paid him. In consequence of this talk, he appeared to
be better satisfied; returned and took his seat, and wrote a letter
to the Choctaws, in which he endeavored to enforce the propriety
of the measures held out by the Federal Government, and recommended
the care and protection of our persons. A similar letter was also
written by the Mountain-Leader. In this convention, I discovered
a general disposition for war, excited as I supposed by the letters
from the Secretary of War and your Excellency; which I informed
them would be pleasing to the United States -- not that the great
power and strength of the United States could avail itself of
their services, but that it would afford an additional proof of
their affection, make them better acquainted, and as one people.
This ardor for military fame, do generally prevalent at that time,
was much abated at the close of a council at Duck river, on their
way to this country. Having your Excellency's commands always
in view, I inquired into the reason why their martial spirit had
so much subsided. I received but little information. A Captain
George, with whom I suppose your Excellency is acquainted,
argued strenuously against the propriety of the measure, saying,
as I was informed, that it was only the wish of the United States
to get the Indians to war against themselves, and it was said,
enforced his arguments with some examples.
Having afforded your Excellency such information as I am possessed
of, I shall now resume my journey from the Chickasaw to the Choctaw
nation. On the 15th same instant, we left the Chickasaw nation,
and arrived at the Choctaw nation on the 19th, and proceeded to
the Yazoo towns, in company of Mr. Pitchlyn, a linguist;
on the 23d, a general assembly of the chiefs of the nation, held
at the opening of the convention, a friendly disposition seemed
to prevail, and a general desire to gratify the wishes of the
United States: after the council had sat two or three hours at
a time, when the clashing of opinions of the different chiefs
were urging to one uniform point of decision, a mob of drunken
Indians (three of whom appeared to be most active) broke up the
assembly by threats of violence, and also tore the peace belt
in pieces, and manifested marks of disapprobation. As your Excellency
must necessarily conclude that there were some existing causes
for this faction, I conceive it incumbent on me to give you all
the information of which I am master; but as they are tedious
and complicated, involve a number of conjectural opinions, as
well as references to the conduct of one of my colleagues, whose
conduct previous to that occasion, in the Choctaw nation, was
not entirely consistent with my opinion of the measure to be pursued,
relative to the attainment of the objects of our mission, I think
your Excellency will excuse me from committing it to paper, and
be of opinion, that a personal interview, would be better. After
the dissolution of the council, we talked with several of the
chiefs, as we could find them, who appeared desirous to come on
to this country; and I believe a number more would have come on,
had it not been for a continuance of the same causes which operated
at the time of the faction: one of which, I may venture to say,
was Spanish influence. We left the town in which the council was
held, on the same evening, on our return to Pitchlyn's,
where I continued several days, for the purpose of conducting
such as should assemble to come to this country, and Captain
Smith continued on his return to the Chickasaw nation. About
four days after I arrived at Pitchlyn's, messengers arrived,
who informed me that the greater part of the Choctaw nation had
declined coming on, in consequence of a talk given them by one
Brassheart; however, I was determined to make a vigorous
exertion, to assemble as many of the chiefs and warriors as I
possibly could, and immediately despatched messengers to the most
inconvenient towns, and went in person to others, by which means,
I assembled the number your Excellency has seen. Your Excellency
expressed a desire to know something of the disposition of the
Indians. It was impracticable to acquire any positive and authentic
information, but it was the opinion of the white people in the
nation, that they would go to war with cheerfulness, upon hostilities
being commenced by the whites against either the Creeks or Spaniards,
and then receiving a supply of ammunition, &c. I was further
confirmed in this opinion, by some expressions of astonishment
by them, relative to the conduct of the United States and the
Creeks, as well as the habits of enmity against that nation. Agreeably
to your Excellency's request, I inquired if the talk communicated
to the President by Bloody Fellow, was authorized by the
chiefs of their nation: to which they answered, that the talk
was not official, nor authorized by them, but that some of their
people might have assumed such a power, and given a talk to the
Bloody Fellow, for ought they knew to the contrary.
Having given your Excellency every material information relative
to the trust reposed in me, I must beg your Excellency's indulgence,
with respect to faults in diction, not having been accustomed
to arrange my ideas on paper.
I am with the highest respect.
Choctaw Nation, June 30, 1792
Sir:
I take the liberty to inform you, that I had the opportunity of
seeing your letter to this nation, and I think you must be sensible
that every white man in this nation must be dependent to Spanish
government. If you are not sensible of it, you must have heard
that the Spaniards are jealous people, and I have always been
pointed out as an American. But I have always been true to that
power who protected me: but the whole is, I am protected at my
own expense. My reason of speaking to you in this manner is, that
I have received several insults from the Creeks, and obliged to
put up with it. For what reason. Because I am not able to help
myself.
I would apply to the Spanish Government for protection, but I
am so sensible that they must encourage the Creeks, that I cannot.
Now sir, look at my situation: weigh the matter in your own breast:
to be censured without meddling. I have passed through all the
difficulties of the war, without the least blemish on my character,
and have gathered a small property together, and now lies at stake,
in case you do not support us, and that shortly.
My life I disregard, for I am partly past being of service to
king or country: the Creeks have threatened ever since peace took
place between America and Great Britain, but I am alive yet, if
you pay any regard to my lines.
I saw your letter: you want the Indians to pitch on a place for
you to send your goods: no place suits as well as the Chickasaw
Bluff, or say the mouth of Wolf river. If you will furnish for
this nation 2,000 pounds of powder, and 4,000 pounds of lead,
and deliver it there, and other things equivalent, such as flints,
knives, and arms, at a certain time, and let me know it by private
letter, I will meet it there to receive it: if the matter is published,
it will be apt to be intercepted.
These lines I send you by a young Choctaw that is worthy of notice;
if you do not approve of these lines, after reading of them, please
to commit them to the flames, and I will work my file as well
as I can.
Mr. Alexander McGillivray is now at New Orleans, and it
is not for the good of the States of America that he is there,
nor yet for the nation.
Mr. John Pitchlyn is your interpreter, very capable, and
a worthy young man, but has been unfortunate enough to have no
learning, being raised partly in this nation. Nothing more, but
I am, with regard, unknown.
Mr. James must have been mistaken, in saying in the fifth
section of his letter, that I wrote to the Chickasaws that I wanted
them to pitch upon a place to which I would send them goods. I
wrote them no letter but the one of which I sent a copy to the
War Office, and it contained no such passage.
Tuesday, August 7th, 1792
Present, on the part of the United States, William Blount,
Governor in and over the territory of the United States of America
south of the river Ohio, and Superintendent of Indian Affairs
for the Southern district, and Brigadier General Andrew Pickens.
Chenambe, king of the Chickasaws, Lootematlah, Mookleshamingo,
Monleshawkek or Wolf's friend, Piamingo, Chooshemataha
or Billy Colbert, Tootemastubbe or George Colbert, Piahatche,
Mookleshappye, Hoolatenpich, Tathnlah, Piamoko, Chickasaw Holatekapieh,
Pianemtlah, Piahatche, Ustemingo, John Brown, Thomas Brown, Moocklashaunapah,
on the part of the Chickasaws. [* Note at bottom of page -
"Only three chiefs of the Chickasaws were absent, namely
Tuscoopoye, Hoolatohyee or Glover, and Piahatche."]
Ileepoenautlau, or Shot in the Mouth, Itlehenmastubbe
or Redwood, Piamustubbe, great medal chiefs; Tunnathoemah,
Chillashoomastubbe or Red Shoes, Hooletenah, Piahoomah,
small medal chiefs; Nootoolemastubbe, Taskaastubbe, Oaklateloemastoinastubbe,
Obephamby, Emealtubby, Tootcheomah, Tasmunaconbege, Onakosh, Fannemecastubbe,
Shephahoomak, Kooshehoomahleader, George James, Son of
Ben, Oshapoiah, Uskenasnpoiah, Oleaquetlay, Uskonoapoiah,
the old chief, gorget captians on the part of the Choctaws. John
Thompson, Nontuaka, Skinka, agents from the Cherokees, and
about tewnty other Cherokees; Malcom M'Ghee and John
Pitchlyn, interpreters.
Friends and Brothers:
The first thing necessary is, that I inform you who I am, and
who General Pickens is. I am Governor of the territory
of the United States south of the river Ohio, and Superintendent
of Indian Affairs, for the Southern district; General Pickens
was a great warrior against the British and against the red people,
in the late war; he is a beloved man of the President, and attends
hear at his request; whatever is said to you by either, you are
to consider as said by both. Gover Blount then proceeded
to address them:
Friends and Brothers:
It is now seven years since General Pickens and myself
had the pleasure of seeing your nations in council at Hopewell,
in South Carolina, when you formed treaties with the United States.
Here is a copy, (holding it up.)
The object of the present meeting is not to alter these treaties,
but to strengthen and keep alive that friendship of which these
treaties are the basis, and to beg your acceptance of a quantity
of valuable goods, as a proof of the sincere friendship of the
United States.
Another object is, publicly to present Piamingo, the Colberts,
and their followers, who joined the arms of the United States
last year, and fought against their enemies, hearty and sincere
thanks for their services, and to present them each with a rifle.
You have been told that we want, and will ask you for your land;
we shall not; we wish you to enjoy your lands and be as happy
as we ourselves are; nor do we want the land of any red people;
the United States have land enough.
At the treaty of Hopewell, you requested that a trading post should
be established at the mouth of Bear creek. The reason it was not
immediately done after that treaty was, that the United States
were not in a situation to do it; but they are now grown strong
and rich, and have for their President the illustrious General
Washington, the greatest of all men; and we inform you that
he will shortly afford you a trade from that place, as agreed
by that treaty.
Friends and Brothers: We have reason to believe that a
chief called Double-head, of the Cherokees, a signer to
the treaty at Holston, with some other Cherokees, and some Northwards
and Creeks, in all about forty, have settled on the south side
of the Tennessee, near the mouth, on your lands, as we suppose;
this Double-head, otherwise Tuscalateague, and his
party, have killed a number of the citizens of the United States;
and as your nations and the United States are friends, and we
hope ever will be, it will be well for you to drive these people
off your lands, or give us leave to destroy them as we please;
and to the end that it may in future be known on whose land the
people reside, who commit depredations on the citizens of the
United States, it is essential that the bounds which divide your
lands from those of other red people, should be marked out and
made known to us.
We will say no more to day, but we request, when you come to reply,
that you speak freely, and tell us every thing that is in your
minds; friends ought to keep nothing from each other; to speak
freely is a proof of friendship.
Wednesday, 8th August, 1792
Wolf's Friend, in reply. --- I call you friend and
brothers; we have met about half way between our nations, were
we each of us have our warriors. I have not been here before to
talk myself; the Mountain Leader is here, who is a great
warrior under me; whatever he has done on the part of the nation,
is binding on the whole. I am glad to hear your talks, and that
your talks are so good; they please me very well.
It is a custom among us, when we speak, to give a token of friendship;
I will give you this; there is not a speck in my heart but what
is good, (giving to Governor Blount a string of white beads,
and desiring that it might be kept clean and unstained that the
day never should come that he would let it slip.)
I must explain the truth; I was somewhat suspicious you wanted
land; I am glad you did not; and if ever the President calls us
together again, I request that land may never more be mentioned
to us.
I always look on the whites and ourselves as one people; I love
to use them well, and as brothers. We are naked and have no doubt
that the United States have great feeling for us; but I think
it is not so far from the nation, but that trade can be carried
on from this place, and we hope it will not be brought nearer
to us than the line agreed upon at Hopewell.
[Wolf's Friend meant thus to give his dissent to the establishing
of a post at the mouth of Bear creek, as agreed by the treaty
of Hopewell. Since his arrival on the conference ground, he had
repeatedly told his people and the Choctaws, that the Americans
had hard shoes, and if they permitted them to establish that post,
they would tread upon their toes. Knowing that he had made use
of these arguments, was the inducement for speaking in such positive
terms, that trade would shortly be afforded from that place, hoping
that would be an inducement sufficient for him to agree to it.
Wolf's Friend is a great man; in council ranks among the
first of his nation; has a considerable property, is a large man,
of a dignified appearance; he appeared at the conference in scarlet
and silver lace, and in the heat of the day with a large crimson
silk umbrella over him.]
I think short talks are best; I like yours the better for being
so; when a man talks long, it is proof his heart is not straight.
Ilepooemaatla, alias Shot in the Mouth. --- I came
from the Choctaw nation, a stranger, but hope the longer we are
acquainted, the better we shall both like each other, and have
our talks renewed by treaties hereafter. I am here, have smoked
the pipe of friendship, and do give my talk and nation into your
care.
I wish to explain my friendship in a short way; we have met in
the middle ground, where we hope to meet often. I am sorry I have
no token of friendship to give, but I hope my talk will be received
as well as though I had.
Governor Blount. --- It will.
Tunnahthoomah, or Red Enemy. --- I am from the Choctaws,
to this mid-land. I believe the whites have great trouble and
fatigues in getting here, but we have got here to my great joy,
and speak in friendship; in my own country, I never dreamed of
finding such people as I here find, for which I may thank my elder
brothers, the Chickasaws.
Whenever the red people have long talks, it may be they say more
than they remember; mine are short, and I will always hold you
by the hand. My brothers are here in the hearing; I want not to
say any thing disagreeable to them, but I speak in public, and
wish to be understood and remembered.
The whites, I am told, are very powerful; hereafter, I want to
have peace and good talks at this middle ground. I am told you
have a different way of fighting -- can make ditches for your
defense, and it may be, you can make it reach my country.
It is good for younger brother to be advised by an older; what
our elder brothers the Chickasaws do, I will abide by, and am
happy we have so good talks.
Red Wood the 2d, Man holding several Strings of Beads.
--- I pull these out in public, though I do not own them; a great
man of my nation received them from the Unites States; when he
died, I kept them as a token of friendship; this is the way I
got them. This great man and the United States used to have good
talks together; these talks I am come to renew; when that man
was alive, I never thought it would come to me to talk in his
place with my brothers and friends as I do now. It is not every
brother who thinks one way, but I am of the same way of thinking
with the man of whom I got them, and hope our young people on
both sides will grow to happiness and peace. My talk is short.
You see I take the beads, and will keep them, leaving to my superiors
to make longer ones.
Red Breath. --- I was at the treaty of Hopewell; to convince
you I have held it fast, I have come to see you again; that has
been several years past, but I find you remember it as well as
I do, which makes me happy. We are here, know one another's talks,
and take each other by the hand; our elder brothers see and hear
us likewise. The talks we have had are very pleasing, and hope
they will always continue. Short talks between friends may be
always better remembered; we have met in the center between our
nations, and hope we shall, each of us, return safe to our proper
homes.
Piamingo, rising, --- I have nothing to talk, only
I wish to have boundaries settled; [then addressed the Chickasaws
in a speech of some minutes, when, turning to Governor Blount
and General Pickens, and taking them by the hand, said.]
It is no new thing for me to take the whites by the hand, but
I am glad to do it, if I am absent only one night.
I have no long talks to give; it is all peace, and every thing
is good, and firm; [then handed a letter from the President; which
he had received by Major Doughty, and a map of the country,
made at Hopewell, showing the line established by that treaty.]
The map being opened on the table, and explained.
Wolf's Friend said the line between the Chickasaws and
the United States was right; and the Governor replied the United
States would never want to pass it.
Piamingo. --- This map is old, I want to have a new one.
General Pickens. --- We will try to have a new one made
like it.
Piamongo. --- I will describe the boundries of our lands:
It begins on the Ohio, at the ridge which divides the waters of
Tennessee and Cumberland, and extends with that ridge, eastwardly,
as far as the most eastern waters of Elk river; thence to the
Tennessee, at an old field, where part of the Chickasaws formerly
lived, this line to be so run as to include all the waters of
Elk river, thence, across the Tennessee, and a neck of land, to
Tenchacunda creek, a southern branch of the Tennessee, and up
to same to its source; then to the waters of Tombigby, that is
to the west fork of long leaf Pine creek, and down it to the line
of the Chickasaws and Choctaws, a little below the trading road.
At the treaty of Holston, I am told, the Cherokees claimed all
Duck river. I want to know if it is so.
Nontuaka. --- It is true. I told the President so, and
coming from him I told my nation so. I never knew, before the
present, that our people divided land and made lines like a white
people.
Piamingo. --- I am the man who laid off the boundry on
the map; and to save my own land, I made it plain; I knew of the
fondness of the Cherokees to sell land.
Nontuaka. --- As to the boundry, I do not look to it. The
President advised us to let one line serve for the Four Nations;
he would never ask for any land south of it, nor suffer others;
all the hunting ground within said boundry should be for the Four
Nations.
Piamingo. --- By marking my boundry, I did not mean to
exclude other nations from the benefit of hunting on my lands.
I knew the Cherokees had often pretended to take the whites by
the hand, but instead of doing it on good faith, they are always
sharpening their knives against them. I feared the whites, in
retaliation, would fall on the Cherokees and that they might take
my land, supposing it belonged to the Cherokees; for this reason
I have marked it.
Nontuaka. --- This is not right; I want but one line between
the Four Nations and the whites; it is true the Cherokees have
disposed of their best hunting grounds.
Piamingo. --- I never understood the matter in this light,
nor did I, as before said, intend to bar the Cherokees from hunting
on our lands; I only ment to preserve them.
Governor Blount to Nontuaka. --- I was not at Philadelphia
to hear what you said respecting your claim to land; but when
you returned, you brought me a great book, said to contain all
the talks held there. In that book, it was written that it would
be proper for the Four Nations to explain their boundries between
themselves; this is one of the reasons I asked the Chickasaws
how far the bounds of their claim extended. It is not ment that
one nation should restrain another from hunting on their lands,
but allow it, like good neighbors. There is another reason; if
any red people should come and settle in any of your countries,
and do mischief to the whites, when their different boundries
are known, it would be easy to know to whom to apply to have the
injuries redressed.
Nontuaka. --- I know very well that Governor Blount
was not there to hear what the President said. I was, and heard
the words drop out of his mouth; the words were, there ought to
be one line between the Four Nations and the whites, but not lines
between the Four Nations; that they must not sell it; but, if
they would sell it, it was be only who should buy.
Piamingo. --- I want no long talk on this subject; the
Cherokees are blood thirsty; they never go out but they bloody
their weapons in the white people, and I knew the whites, in retaliation,
would take their land; this I have before said, and for fear they
should take mine, supposing it to be Cherokees', is my reason
for explaining the boundary.
Wolf's Friend. --- What I say is, that we are friends,
and that the meaning of this line is not to hinder the Cherokees
from hunting on our lands, but we wish to keep bad people from
settling on it.
Nontuaka. --- Here is the map belonging to the Chickasaws;
my own people are jealous; let me carry this map and show it to
the head men; the whites can make another like if for Piamingo.
Piamingo. --- I am satisfied with the Cherokees having
a copy. When my uncle, the Little Turkey, sees it, and is informed
that it is not intended to prevent the Cherokees from hunting
on our land, he will be pleased.
John Thompson. --- We do not find fault with the line between
the white people and the Chickasaws, nor with the place where
the Chickasaws' line crosses the Tennessee; but I have not been
so fully informed of the claim of the Chickasaws.
Piamingo. --- I have made endeavors to preserve our land,
and have ever refused to part with it.
Wolf's Friend. --- The map is plain; I know not what objection
they can make to it, since we have explained our motive. It is
right to mark our boundaries on the map; some red people are good,
others have sharp hearts. I came here to hear good talks, and
have heard them. Be not uneasy that every one does not speak;
the King, myself, and Piamingo, were appointed to do business;
what we say in binding on the nation. I speak for the king and
myself.
General Pickens. --- It gives me much pleasure to accompany
Governor Blount to this place, to meet the Chickasaws and
Choctaws, and delivering the good talks from our Great Father,
who has appointed Governor Blount to receive your good
talks and to deliver his; you may be assured his talk is the same
as though you heard it from the mouth of our Great Father, General
Washington; his heart glows with love both to the Chickasaws
and Choctaws.
Since the time you took us by the hand at Seneca, it has never
been known that a Chickasaw or Choctaw has spilled the blood of
an American; we have come here, if possible, to strengthen that
friendship, and make it last between us, while the sun shines.
It is the wish of our Great Father General Washington,
as well as all your brothers here to make you a great and happy
people.
We will always look upon it that your enemies are our enemies,
and ours, yours.
We know you have been told that, when you were invited here, you
would be asked for land; you are now convinced to the contrary,
and you will now be able to give the lie to such reports.
What makes the President and ourselves unhappy is, that it is
with difficulty trade can be extended by the United States to
your country.
These presents, sent you by your Great Father the President, were
brought here with great danger and difficulty. Wolf's Friend
has expressed his objections to having it brought nearer to you
than this place, but he is wrong, because the path to and from
this place, and which your people and the traders would have to
pass, is often bloodied by the enemy; to remove that difficulty,
we wish, for the good of both parties, to have trade established
at the mouth of Bear creek, the place agreed upon by the treaty
of Hopewell.
I am apprehensive bad people will say, we mean not to establish
a post, but form settlements; but that is not true. Trade at that
place will be most advantageous to you, where, beside clothing
and other necessaries, arms and ammunition shall be kept in plenty.
The prople living south of you supply you very sparingly; the
President wishes you to have all things in plenty, and be happy,
and that you should be in a situation to defend yourselves against
your enemies.
Piamingo. --- You have spoken a second time, therefore
I conceive I have a right so to do.
Governor Blount. --- It is our wish that you should; we
will hear you with pleasure, and wish you to speak freely.
Piamingo. --- There is the man (pointing to Mingatuska)
who was the first occasion of this mark, (pointing to the post
as marked down at the mouth of Bear creek and as agreed on by
the treaty of Hopewell) but I do not now want a post established
there, because it would occasion blood to be spilled. We are,
as you say, both one people; if a post is settled there, it will
bring on an open war. I know how it would be, and so may you,
by seeing how your people are killed or wounded even at this place.
Governor Blount. --- We have heard that you complained
that that article of the treaty, which respected the post at Bear
creek, was not complied with; and the President would not wish
you to have complaints against the United States.
Piamingo. --- All people are not alike; to prevent shedding
of blood we object, that good men may not be lost. If all things
were on a right footing, I should have no objections; but it seems
as though I had reached over the heads of enemies, to take hold
of you. Could I once see the day that whites and reds were all
friends, it would be like getting new eye-sight.
Governor Blount. --- To-morrow I will meet you again; I
have a little more to say to you, and close our business.
Thursday, August 9th, 1792
Governor Blount. --- I make no doubt but the Indians northwest
of the Ohio, with whom the United States is at war, have informed
you that the cause of the war is, that the United States want
to take their lands from them.
Piamingo. --- They have.
Governor Blount. --- It is not true; the United States
have taken no lands from them; all they have sold or settled,
they have bought from the red people who claimed them; but, if
these people, when at war with the United States, could show that
they have even a color of right, such is the justice of the United
States, they would purchase it.
The United States do not want to take any land from any red people;
they have land enough.
The true cause of the war with these people Northwest of the Ohio
is, that they have killed more than one thousand citizens of the
United States; took many boats on the Ohio, loaded with valuable
goods, and stole a very great number of our horses; and even yet,
if these people would give proof of their wishes for peace, and
assurances of future good conduct, the United States would forget
and forgive what is past; but if they do not, a large army is
raising, and the war will fall on them heavier than ever.
I have mentioned these things to you, to show you at once the
justice and moderation of the United States, and the causes of
the war. Respecting the post at Bear creek, at the treaty of Hopewell
you requested trade to be carried to that place; you have complained
that it was not heretofore done; now you have been informed it
was shortly to be done, you object, and say it will be attended
with bad consequences. I shall conclude for the present on that
subject by informing you, the President will put it off for a
time.
These Cumberland people, as well as those who surround us as all
other inhabitants, have ever been good people, and strict observers
of treaties; and I hope you will continue that love and friendship
to them which you have heretofore shown them, in particular as
they are your nearest neighbors. I beg you to give them the earliest
information of any hostile designs you may know to be formed against
them.
The map you yesterday requested to be drawn anew, is done, and
here it is, and with it a copy of the treaty of Hopewell, (presenting
them to Piamingo.) This treaty is not altered.
Wolf's Friend. --- I give this to you, (presenting one end of a string of white beads to the Governor;) hold it fast; I will, as a token of peace and friendship.
I hope peace and friendship will be perpetual; that our children
may be raised up in all happiness. Piamingo and myself
are one; he is my father. I have no great deal to say; those who
mean truth, can express it in a few words; I speak nothing else.
Piamingo caused me to come here. Hold this talk fast, (delivering
the other end of the white beads to the Governor.)
Governor Blount. --- I receive it with great pleasure,
and will preserve it as an evidence of the friendship you profess.
We are truely sensible of the great service Piamingo has
done his nation and the United States, and there is no doubt that
he will lead his nation to happiness and glory, if they continue
to follow him.
I am equally anxious with you, that our children should grow up
in all possible happiness, and that peace and friendship should
be perpetual, and, I assure you, on the part of the Unites States,
that they will do every thing to contribute to these blessings.
Piamingo. --- I have something more to say; it is concerning
useful implements of husbandry, such as I hear our Great Father
gives the Creeks and Cherokees. We want a great many axes and
hoes, but not so many ploughs, and we hope he will give them to
us also.
Governor Blount. --- Do you think your people will use
them?
Piamingo. --- They know how to use axes and hoes, and some
to plough.
Governor. --- I cannot promise them to you, but I will
make your request known to your father, the President, who would
be happy in seeing you live like the white men, by cultivating
the earth, in preference to hunting.
I have to ask you, the Chickasaws, to whom I am to address my public letters? Answer. To Chenumbe, the king. Who shall be your interpreter in the nation? Answer. Malcom McGee. Who do the Choctaws want for their interpreter? Answer. John Pitchlyn.
By the letters you received from the Secretary of War, it appeared,
the President wished to see some of your chiefs at Philadelphia;
the letters mentioned the number. It is not for me to say when
you shall go, or whether you shall go at all; but, if you do go,
the President would not wish to see more than he has invited,
and General Robertson, the deputy superintendent, will
be glad to see them on their way at his house, and so will I at
mine; and will give them the necessary assistance; let me know,
in the course of this day, whether you go or not, and if you do
go, when.
To-morrow morning the goods will be given out; apply, one town
at a time, and determine the order in which they shall apply.
The guns, for those who went with Piamingo and the Colberts,
will be delivered to-day; they are requested to collect together,
and march to the store to receive them.
The chiefs will to-day also receive their clothing.
Friday, 10th August, 1792
The goods having been previously divided into as many shares as
there were Indians, were delivered, to each his share. The inhabitants
of Long Town first marched up, with Piamingo at their head;
and after, the other towns, according to their order, headed by
their chiefs; and after the Chickasaws, the Choctaws according
to their order.
Saturday, 11th August, 1792
Tom Brown, addressing himself to Governor Blount and General Pickens, presenting a string of white beads; Piamingo requests this string to be forwarded to the President, as a token that he is coming to visit him. He will commence his journey early next spring for Philadelphia.
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